“They’re the folks that work at restaurants. They’re the teacher’s aides,” said Starr, a registered nurse who became Open Door’s chief executive more than six years ago. Those patients, he said, are “really the heart and soul of rural America.”

He said if his remote health centers don’t get a share of the billions of dollars Congress earmarked to transform health care in rural America, patients may soon lose services. About 50% of Open Door’s 60,000 patients are on Medicaid, the joint state and federal insurance program that, together with the related Children’s Health Insurance Program, covers with low incomes or disabilities.

When Congress approved the One Big Beautiful Bill Act last summer, it cut nearly $1 trillion from Medicaid over the next decade. Now, Starr hopes the $50 billion Rural Health Transformation Program, which was part of the same bill, will help keep his patients covered.

Yet, small community health care providers, such as Open Door, may find they are sharing the billions with an army of corporate giants before it reaches their patients.

Months after federal leaders announced that all 50 states won first-year awards, ranging from $147 million for New Jersey to $281 million for Texas, state plans reveal that a heavy dose of prescribed spending will go to companies that can increase the use of electronic health records, strengthen cybersecurity, and improve state and health system technology platforms.

And at least four large-scale coalitions of companies are now pitching multipronged services to the states. Many of the companies already work with regional health systems and states through Medicaid contracting or mobile and telehealth operations.

How those services will help improve the health care of rural Americans at places such as Open Door remains an open question.

States Stare Down Reporting Deadlines

Federal regulators were “really interested in seeing digital health investments” when they crafted the five-year rural health program rules last year, said Maya Sandalow, an associate director at the Bipartisan Policy Center, a think tank based in Washington, D.C. She co-authored a recent report on how the 50 states plan to invest in technology, including modernizing health care infrastructure and expanding virtual care options such as telehealth and remote patient monitoring.

“The rural health fund isn’t really designed to directly replace or offset the lost Medicaid funding,” Sandalow said, noting that the federal staffers in charge of the program — money that could help rural hospitals and clinics pay for patient care — at 15% of the total funding awarded to a state.

Federal regulators also established tight reporting deadlines, forcing states to move quickly.

States must file progress reports and obligate all first-year funding , according to the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, the federal agency overseeing the program. States could see their awards decreased or terminated at any time if they fail to follow federal requirements, according to the .

As of early April, CMS had not approved or had only partially approved some state budgets, including those of Wyoming, Colorado, and Vermont, according to state officials. CMS spokesperson Catherine Howden, who declined to say which states still needed revised budgets approved, said the agency does not provide “state-by-state updates.”

In Alaska, the budget is approved but the state has not announced when it will release full grant proposals and awards, said Tricia Franklin, program coordinator for Alaska’s rural health transformation.

“Early summer was the target,” Franklin said. But the response from vendors and applicants has been “much greater than expected, so it may take us a little longer.”

Working with consulting companies is an established way for states to “quickly and effectively” meet federal deadlines and roll out grant money, said , national director for population health at the Milbank Memorial Fund, a nonprofit focused on state health policy work.

Upgrading Technology, Modernizing Rural Health

Science Applications International Corp., a Fortune 500 government contractor, pulled together the . SAIC does a variety of technology work such as cybersecurity and engineering support. The alliance also includes Walgreens and Mission Mobile Medical, which turns RVs into primary care clinics. A data analytics company, a telemedicine and software company, and a company that helps place medical graduates in health systems are also part of the coalition.

The SAIC alliance offers “an ecosystem” of companies that can coordinate the work states have promised, said , SAIC’s Rural Health Transformation Program lead and a former chief information officer for the Virginia Department of Health. Each of the companies has representatives focused on the rural program, he said.

A lack of digital infrastructure — such as electronic health records at different clinics and hospitals that can talk to one another — has been a consistent barrier for rural medical care teams, said the Bipartisan Policy Center’s Sandalow.

“The funding hasn’t always been there in order for rural areas to create the infrastructure that’s needed to fully adopt remote patient monitoring, telehealth, artificial intelligence in ways that will really be supportive,” Sandalow said. “It takes things like updating infrastructure, changing workflows.”

Sandalow’s found that Maine and Utah are investing in cybersecurity; Indiana, Missouri, and New Mexico plan to modernize their electronic health records; Oklahoma plans to buy hardware and software, subsidize subscriptions, and give technical support to rural providers; and states such as Arizona and South Carolina will use funds to create telehealth hubs or buy remote patient monitoring equipment.

Federal regulators, when creating the rural program’s spending rules, also said no more than 5% of a state’s total funding awarded could be used to replace electronic medical records systems that already meet federal standards. Sandalow said that means states will focus on enhancements and upgrades to their current systems.

Gainwell Technologies, which operates the systems for dozens of state Medicaid programs, is spearheading . Rushil Desai, a Gainwell senior vice president, said states’ detailed spending plans are “changing in real time.”

Maine’s Medicaid plan contracts with Gainwell, and the state’s initial application listed four contracts worth more than $16 million over five years for the company. The state confirmed it has received federal approval for only its first year of spending, which includes a to implement changes to the state’s Medicaid claims system.

James Lomastro, a senior-care advocate in rural Massachusetts with the nonprofit , said he worries that large vendors and health systems will get the state’s transformation dollars.

Clinics, home care agencies, and nursing homes that “actually provide day-to-day support in the community are mostly on the margins” of state discussions about how to spend the money, he said. A spokesperson for Massachusetts’ Executive Office of Health and Human Services, Olivia James, said state officials would “ensure that everyone has a seat at the table” with training, financial incentives, and direct investments.

Arizona’s rural fund budget, which is $167 million for the first year, allocates for medical diagnostic equipment and technology upgrades, including to electronic health records, specifically for rural health care facilities.

But it also for county public health departments, said Pima County Public Health Director Theresa Cullen. The approved budget includes up to $4 million for grants to support community health workers.

“In these rural communities, you need to be present,” Cullen said.

Alina Czekai, director of the CMS rural health transformation office, said her team plans to visit all 50 states. She spoke at the National Rural Health Association’s policy conference in Washington, D.C., in February and told the audience that her team wants “the money to go to rural communities, rural providers, rural patients.” The association’s members include rural hospitals and clinics, which are expected to suffer big losses under the Medicaid cuts.

In California, Open Door’s Starr said he provided input on his state’s initial application, which won $234 million in first-year funding, but he is not clear on what the next steps will be for getting money from the program.

For his patients, Starr said, money is needed for technology upgrades. After all, he said, updated electronic health systems could operate seamlessly and store the documentation needed to keep a patient enrolled in Medicaid.

Updated technology could be exactly what Open Door and other area clinics need to “help keep people covered,” Starr said.

Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News senior correspondent Phil Galewitz and rural health care correspondent Arielle Zionts contributed to this report.

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More than 80 of his customers who were enrolled in the same Medicare supplemental plan from the insurer Chubb got hit last August with a 45% increase.

“In my 49 years of doing biz as a broker, I’ve never seen a premium increase be effective immediately on everyone, instead of on their policy anniversary,” said Jaggi, whose brokerage scrambled to find more affordable options for clients. The policies pick up deductibles and other costs not covered in traditional Medicare, and without one there is no upper limit on how much a consumer might owe each year.

While 45% was an unusually big jump, Jaggi and other brokers say double-digit premium increases for Medicare supplemental, or Medigap, policies are becoming the norm.

A Chubb spokesperson did not respond to requests for comment on the increase.

More than 12 million people — of those in traditional Medicare — buy a Medigap policy. Others rely on some sort of retiree employer coverage or a different backup. About 13% of people in traditional Medicare don’t have supplemental coverage, according to KFF, meaning they could be vulnerable to large costs if they have a serious illness.

In the supplemental market, following big increases last year, rates appear to be rising again. In early 2026 filings with state insurance commissioners from Aetna, Blue Cross Blue Shield, Cigna, Humana, Mutual of Omaha, and UnitedHealthcare, rate increases for Plan G policies — the most commonly purchased supplement type — ranged from just in the first quarter, according to Nebraska-based consulting firm Telos Actuarial.

“While this is a small dataset across a select number of states, it’s an indication that carriers are looking to correct their premium rates in light of upward pressure on their claims experience,” said Brett Mushett, a consulting actuary with Telos.

Climbing Numbers

Premium rates vary based on the type of coverage chosen, where a beneficiary lives, and their age. For Plan G coverage, beneficiaries paid an in 2023, according to KFF. That amount has likely risen since.

“In some states, like Ohio, Medicare supplements for years would have a 3% to 5% year-over-year increase. Now it’s 10% to 15%,” said Amanda Brewton, owner of Medicare Answers Now, a marketing organization whose clients are sales agents.

In Alaska, Premera Blue Cross raised the premiums on its Plan G policies by nearly 12% for this year, according to rate sheets provided to Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News by insurance agent Patricia Mack, who said another insurer raised rates by nearly 13%.

For example, a 65-year-old woman who last year would have been charged $172 a month for a Plan G policy would now face a monthly rate of $192, said Mack, who owns Alaska Insurance Benefits in Wasilla.

Premera spokesperson Courtney Wallace said in an email that Medicare makes changes to deductible and copayment rates each year, which affects supplemental plans that cover those increasing amounts.

Wallace also noted that the insurer saw higher medical service use among its members, “which further drove claims costs and ultimately impacted premiums.”

Agents and policy experts blame a range of factors for rising premiums: an increase in the use of medical services by beneficiaries; the aging of the population; increases in labor and medical costs; rules in some states governing Medigap plans; and people’s enrolling in — or getting out of — private Medicare Advantage plans.

“Five years ago, it was exceedingly uncommon to have a carrier with a rate increase of more than 10%. Now it’s very uncommon to see a rate increase below 10%, and it’s not uncommon to see it over 20%,” said Chalen Jackson, vice president for government affairs at Integrity, a Dallas-based company that sells life and health insurance.

Jaggi, who co-owns Jaggi Petry Insurance & Investments in Forsyth, Illinois, along with his daughter, said he eventually found other options for many of those 80-plus clients with the large increase, which came from an insurer that had previously been the lowest-cost option. But it wasn’t easy — and continuing increases are expected.

“These are unbelievable increases,” said Jaggi, who said he is seeing premium hikes exceeding 15% this year across a range of insurers.

Policy experts have outlined possible solutions, including for Congress to cap out-of-pocket costs for Medicare beneficiaries or subsidize the purchase of Medigap coverage.

“Traditional Medicare is the only federal health insurance program without an out-of-pocket cap,” Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) wrote in an email, adding that the program “needs to be updated and strengthened to protect the Medicare guarantee for American seniors.”

But making changes to Medicare that require congressional approval is unlikely in the current legislative environment, especially because adding an out-of-pocket cap would add costs to the federal budget.

How This Plays Out

People generally qualify for Medicare when they turn 65. Beneficiaries after they initially enroll in the traditional fee-for-service program to purchase a Medigap plan at standard rates without having to answer health-related questions.

Strict rules then kick in around when beneficiaries can enroll in or switch Medigap coverage and options become much more limited, with each one generally involving trade-offs or tough choices.

have what’s known as a “birthday rule,” which requires insurers once a year to allow people enrolled in a Medigap plan to change to different supplemental coverage — usually around their birthdays — without being medically underwritten. Those rules can help consumers, including those with health conditions, to switch.

An additional — Connecticut, Massachusetts, Maine, and New York — require insurers to offer at least one Medigap policy to all applicants either year-round or during an annual enrollment period, depending on the state. Changes are allowed no matter the person’s health.

Another option for those facing high Medigap costs is to leave traditional Medicare and enroll in a private-sector Medicare Advantage plan, which have out-of-pocket caps. But joining one means beneficiaries must generally rely on a set of in-network doctors and hospitals. And if they change their mind and want to go back to traditional Medicare, they have only a 12-month window in which to purchase a Medigap plan without passing health questions. After that, it can be more difficult.

“A lot of people don’t know that if they are in Medicare Advantage for a year, they can get turned down by a Medigap plan or charged really high premiums because of a preexisting condition, which for many people effectively traps them in MA plans,” said , a research associate at the liberal Center for American Progress and co-author of a on the issue.

There are some exceptions. For example, if a Medicare Advantage plan withdraws from a market or leaves the Medicare program, its enrollees can qualify for a supplemental plan without being asked health questions or charged more for having preexisting conditions.

For this year alone, about 2.6 million people when their insurer pulled out of their markets, according to KFF, and more than a million lost coverage for 2025. Many switched to other MA plans, but “somewhere around 440,000 of those people did go to a Medicare supplement policy,” sometimes because there was no other MA plan in their area, said George Dippel, president of Deft Research, a Minneapolis-based market research organization focused on insurance for older people. Deft is part of Integrity, the Dallas company.

Some Medicare experts note that anytime insurers enroll people whose health status they can’t consider — whether because of birthday rules or because their Medicare Advantage plan left the market and thus qualified them for an exemption from medical underwriting — it potentially exposes them to more health care utilization and higher costs, making them more likely to increase premiums across the board to offset the possible financial hit.

Another option mentioned by brokers for people looking to lower their costs is to consider one of the two types of Medigap plans that come with a deductible, which is currently just under $3,000 for a year. Those plans charge far lower monthly premiums than Medigap plans that pick up a much larger portion of annual amounts people must pay toward their Medicare services.

Still, “a lot of people are not comfortable with a $3,000 deductible,” Mack said.

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The CDC withheld the data for months as a team hit hard by mass layoffs and resignations sorted through the information. But now that scientists at the agency have posted their first batch of whole measles genomes — the genetic blueprint of the viruses — the rest should “start flowing more smoothly at a more rapid cadence,” said Kristian Andersen, an evolutionary virologist at the Scripps Research Institute who isn’t involved with the CDC’s effort but is following it.

The CDC did not answer queries from Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News on its timeline for publishing measles data or analyses. However, once all the data is public, researchers can run that will signal whether outbreaks across the U.S. last year resulted from the continuous spread of the disease between states, rather than separate introductions from abroad. If there was continuous transmission for a year, that means the U.S. has lost its status as a country that has eliminated measles. That status, which the U.S. has held since 2000, reflects a country’s vaccination rates: Two doses of the measles-mumps-rubella vaccine prevent most infections and so stop outbreaks from growing.

More careful analyses take weeks.

“We should see a report in April,” Andersen said, “assuming no political interference.”

This is the first time that the U.S. has applied sophisticated genomic techniques to measles, which largely disappeared from the country a quarter-century ago because of broad vaccine uptake.

Declining , misinformation, and the Trump administration’s to outbreaks have fueled a resurgence of the disease. With at least 2,285 cases in 44 states, 2025 was the worst year for measles in more than three decades. This year is on track to surpass that, with 1,575 cases as of late March.

While welcoming the science, researchers say the government’s top priority should be to stop the virus from spreading.

“I think it’s incredibly important to do whole genome sequencing for outbreaks,” Andersen said, “but we shouldn’t need to do this for measles in the first place, because we have an extremely effective and safe vaccine.”

“That we’re even talking about this is nuts,” he added.

Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and other government officials should sound an alarm about measles’ comeback and launch nationwide vaccine campaigns, said Rekha Lakshmanan, executive director of , a nonprofit in Houston that advocates for vaccine access.

“I applaud the science,” she said, “but the more urgent need is to get measles under control as quickly as possible.”

Top officials have instead , and false notions about vaccines have been granted new life in Kennedy’s CDC. This includes abrupt changes to vaccine information on CDC websites that say aren’t based on evidence and endanger lives. 

Kennedy continues to promote unproven remedies that could mislead parents into believing that they can avoid vaccines without consequence. On the podcast in late February, Kennedy spoke at length about measures to improve America’s health but didn’t mention vaccines. He said preventive measures could entail “holistic medicine, or take vitamins, or take vitamin D, which is, as you know, it’s kind of miraculous.”

“The risk of measles remains low for most of the United States,” HHS spokesperson Emily Hilliard wrote. “CDC has made $8.5 million available to address measles response activities in 7 jurisdictions experiencing outbreaks,” she wrote. “The CDC, HHS principles, and the Secretary have been vocal that the MMR vaccine is the best way to protect yourself against measles.”

1,000 Genomes

In December, the CDC enlisted the help of one of the country’s leading centers for virus sequencing, the Broad Institute in Cambridge, Massachusetts. Major outbreaks in Texas, Utah, and South Carolina had been fueled by the same type of measles virus, labeled D8-9171. But since that type also circulates in Canada and Mexico, researchers need more data to discern whether it spread among states or entered the U.S. multiple times.

Whole genome sequencing provides that information because viruses evolve over time. The measles virus acquires a mutation every two to four transmissions between people, said Bronwyn MacInnis, director of pathogen surveillance at the Broad.

“There is enough signal in this data to tease apart questions at hand,” MacInnis said, “the main one being sustained transmission within this country.”

MacInnis’ team worked overtime to sequence the entire genomes of inactivated measles viruses that had been collected from states in 2025 and 2026.

“We’ve done about 1,000 samples and delivered the genome data back to the CDC,” sending it on a rolling basis since December, MacInnis said. “This is the CDC’s data to publish.”

The CDC didn’t post a single one of those genomes until late March, when eight appeared on a public database hosted by the National Center for Biotechnology Information. By April 1, an additional 154 had gone online.

“It should be on NCBI within a couple of weeks of being produced,” Andersen said, “and certainly not take longer than a month when you have an active outbreak.”

Genomic data holds clues about how outbreaks start and spread. It allows researchers to develop tests, treatments, and vaccines — and detect variants that might evade them.

Such data was critical in the covid pandemic. Chinese and Australian scientists online on Jan. 10, 2020, of sequencing it. “It definitely shouldn’t take the CDC months,” said Eddie Holmes, the Australian virologist who helped publish the first coronavirus sequence.

One reason for the delay is that the CDC’s measles lab has been sorely understaffed amid mass layoffs and other turmoil at the agency over the past year, a CDC scientist told Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News. Another reason, the researcher added, is a learning curve: The CDC and health departments haven’t needed to sequence hundreds of whole measles genomes before now. (Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News agreed not to identify the scientist, who feared retaliation.)

In contrast with the CDC, the Utah Public Health Lab has shared measles genomes rapidly. Most of some 970 measles genomes posted online since Jan. 1, 2025, were sequenced by the state, hailing from Utah, Arizona, South Carolina, and other states willing to share them.

“We’ve only got a handful of samples from Texas that were collected kind of in the middle of their outbreak,” said Kelly Oakeson, a genomics researcher at the Utah Department of Health and Human Services. The genomes of the Texas and Utah measles viruses are similar but distinct, Oakeson said, meaning that intermediate versions of the virus are missing.

If the genetic code of viruses collected late in the Texas outbreak are a closer match to those from Utah’s, that will suggest that spread was continuous and the country has lost its measles-free status. The hundreds of genome sequences still sitting at the CDC probably hold the answer.

Waiting on the CDC

The CDC expected to finish its analysis before April, said Daniel Salas, executive manager of the immunization program at the Pan American Health Organization, which works with the World Health Organization. That’s when PAHO was slated to evaluate the United States’ measles status.

He said PAHO delayed its evaluation until the organization’s annual meeting in November, partly because the CDC needed more time to do the genomic analysis and partly because the measles status of Mexico, Bolivia, and other countries is also under review, and holding staggered meetings for each country is inefficient.

The U.S. is the only country using whole genome sequencing to answer the elimination question, Salas said. Typically, countries classify measles viruses according to a tiny snippet of genes, then assume that large outbreaks caused by the same type are linked. Whole genomes provide a more accurate view.

“If the U.S. can fill in the blanks with genomic data, that’s a sort of breakthrough,” Salas said. “That doesn’t mean other countries are going to be able to pull off this kind of analysis,” he added. “It takes a lot of specialized knowledge and resources.”

Equipment to sequence and analyze genomes costs upward of $100,000, and the cost to process each sample, including paying the researchers involved, typically ranges from $100 to $500 per sequence.

“I’m pro-science, but we shouldn’t have to do this,” said Theresa McCarthy Flynn, president of the North Carolina Pediatrics Society. “We don’t have to have a measles epidemic.”

Flynn said she regularly fields questions from parents concerned by misinformation spread by Kennedy and anti-vaccine groups, including the one he founded before joining the Trump administration. Parents have also pointed to changes in the CDC’s recommendations and to its websites that are at odds with the scientific consensus.

Before Kennedy took the helm, a said “Vaccines do not cause autism” in prominent type, and listed in premier scientific journals that refuted a link between vaccines and developmental disorders.

Last year, shifted to saying, “Studies supporting a link have been ignored by health authorities.” The high-quality studies were replaced with a report from a single investigator who has ties to anti-vaccine groups. In an email to Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News, HHS spokesperson Hilliard echoed the altered website’s claims about vaccines, disregarding extensive studies on the topic.

Flynn, of the pediatrics association, said, “The CDC itself is spreading misinformation about vaccines. I cannot overstate the seriousness of this.”

Although the acting director of the CDC, Jay Bhattacharya, says vaccines are the best way to prevent measles, he too has undermined vaccine policy. He said the controversial to reduce the number of vaccines recommended to children was based on “gold standard science.” In fact, the new schedule makes the among peer nations. Hilliard wrote that the updated schedule was “aligning U.S. guidance with international norms.”

A federal court temporarily invalidated the change last month in a lawsuit brought by the American Academy of Pediatrics and other groups.

Bhattacharya hasn’t held briefings with the public or the press on the surge of measles this year or activated the CDC’s emergency capabilities.

“Normally, we’d have a big push to get vaccination rates up in areas where it’s low. We’d do a big social media push, put out ads on getting vaccinated,” said another CDC scientist whom Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News agreed not to identify, because of fears of retaliation. “People at the CDC want to do this, but political leadership at the agency has not allowed the CDC to do it.”

Further, the Trump administration’s to public health funds have made it hard for local health officials to protect communities. Philip Huang, director at Dallas County Health and Human Services in Texas, said the department lost over $4 million when the administration clawed back about $11 billion from health departments early last year as a measles outbreak surged in the state.

“We lost 27 staff and had to cancel over 20 of our community vaccination efforts, including to schools identified as having low vaccination rates,” he said. “There are simultaneous attacks on immunizations that are making our jobs harder.”

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“I call it the unaffordable care act,” he said. He reprised the line in his address, blaming “the crushing cost of health care” on Obamacare.

Trump’s words also play off an ongoing congressional debate that began late last year with the expiration of the enhanced tax subsidies that had lowered the cost of ACA insurance for millions of Americans — and thrust the issue of ACA-related costs back to center stage.

Without those enhanced subsidies, the amount people pay toward monthly Obamacare premiums doubled, on average. The number of people enrolled in ACA coverage for this year has dropped by more than a million, and experts say more people could abandon coverage once premiums come due. Democrats are using this development to crank up the heat on Republicans ahead of the November elections and steer the conversation on the affordability issue.

Republicans fault the law itself for driving up these costs. For instance, Rep. Mike Lawler (R-N.Y.) that premiums “skyrocketed across the country since it took effect.”

Critics routinely point to several provisions within the ACA as the culprits — among them, essential health benefits, or EHBs. Under the law, Obamacare plans must cover certain essential services, including emergency care, hospitalization, maternity, and prescription drugs, without annual or lifetime dollar limits. But connecting EHBs to the premium increases felt by consumers is not straightforward.

Here’s a primer on key issues involved.

Checking the Numbers

It’s clear that Obamacare premiums have increased.

An analysis by the right-leaning Paragon Health Institute shows that the average premium for a 50-year-old with Obamacare since 2014. The average premium for employer-based plans grew 68% during that same time.

Paragon’s president, , told Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News that this shows the ACA has made health care on the individual market more expensive.

Still, the comparison overlooks a couple of points. Pre-ACA, employer plans generally offered more generous coverage than individual market plans, so work-based coverage cost more. And individual plans were cheaper in part because they could bar applicants with health problems. Beginning in 2014, the ACA forced individual policies to look more like employer plans, covering a broader range of benefits and accepting both healthy and unhealthy applicants. As a result, premiums rose that first year. In the years that followed, ACA plans often experienced faster growth in premiums than job-based plans. Some policy analysts say this isn’t surprising because ACA plans started at a lower dollar base and had more room to rise.

States that saw less dramatic post-ACA premium increases, such as Massachusetts and New York, already mandated that individual-market plans provide EHB-like coverage, noted , a senior research fellow at the Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank. These states also had higher premiums due to that and other provisions, such as not allowing plans to exclude people with preexisting conditions.

“It was a combination of things,” he said.

Blase acknowledges that the two types of insurance started at different price points. But he said the percentage change over time shows that the ACA faces “underlying inflationary pressures” — including the now-expired, more generous, covid pandemic-era subsidies — that affect its policyholders more so than employer plans.

Aside from that point, however, were on the rise even before the ACA took effect.

An analysis by Jonathan Gruber at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology found that between 2008 and 2010, premiums grew by at least 10% a year and were highly variable across states and insurers.

Consumers’ Other Costs

Over time, ACA deductibles — the amounts policyholders must satisfy in a given year before insurance kicks in — have seen large increases, with “bronze” plans now averaging $7,476 annually, up from $5,113 in 2014, according to KFF, a health information nonprofit that includes Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News. Bronze plans tend to have lower premiums than the other metal-level categories — “silver,” “gold,” and “platinum” — in part because of their higher deductibles.

The Trump administration is doubling down on high-deductible plans as part of its emphasis on affordability, making it easier this year for people age 30 and up to qualify for what are called “catastrophic plans.” These come with even larger deductibles than bronze plans.

The administration pitched a broad regulatory plan for 2027 to cement those changes, saying it was designed to lower premiums and expand choices. It would raise next year’s deductibles for catastrophic plans to $15,600 a year for an individual or around $30,000 for a family. It isn’t clear how popular such plans would be. Detailed enrollment figures for this year are not yet available, but estimates indicate only about 54,000 people chose catastrophic plans in 2025, and consumers can’t use federal subsidies to purchase them.

Before this Trump proposal, though, recent data showed that the rising rate of ACA plan deductibles had not outpaced deductibles for employer plans.

The weighted average — a calculation that gives more weight to ACA plans with the most people enrolled — shows in annual deductible amounts since 2014, from $1,881 to $2,912. During that same period, deductibles in plans offered by 59%, from $1,186 to $1,886, according to KFF’s annual employer survey.

Essential What?

To be clear, the ACA’s catastrophic and bronze plans must cover essential health benefits, as do all Obamacare plans. These EHBs fall into 10 categories of medical services and were included in the ACA to ensure individual policies meet a minimum standard of coverage and are comparable to employer-based health insurance.

Preventive services, such as annual checkups, vaccines, and certain cancer screenings, must be covered at no additional cost to patients. All plans must completely cover the cost of specific vaccines, including the annual flu shot. And insurers cannot refuse to pay for emergency care provided at an out-of-network hospital. Other EHBs are subject to out-of-pocket costs, such as copays at the doctor’s office or pharmacy counter.

In some ways, EHBs save money because they’ve increased access to preventive care, said , a professor of health policy and management at Johns Hopkins University’s Bloomberg School of Public Health.

Services such as cancer screenings and lab tests can lead to earlier detection of serious conditions, when treatment is less costly, and positive outcomes are more likely.

“If you look down the list of essential health benefits, I think most people would reach the judgment that those are health care services that people should have access to,” said Larry Levitt, KFF’s executive vice president for health policy.

Joseph Antos, a senior fellow emeritus at the conservative American Enterprise Institute, said ACA requirements — such as requiring insurers to accept anyone, regardless of their health status, and limiting insurers’ ability to charge older people more for coverage — also have played roles in boosting premiums.

“Really, it’s practically impossible to tease any one thing out,” Antos said.

States do have latitude to add benefits that fall under the EHB umbrella. For example, bariatric surgery is covered as an EHB in , but not in . Pennsylvania’s EHBs also don’t include hearing aids, but do.

But the Trump administration’s 2027 regulatory proposal : When “states enact benefit mandates, plan premiums must generally increase to account for the additional coverage,” it reads. It also signals that added benefits can raise consumer costs and proposes that states be required to use their own funds to offset some of those costs.

Paragon’s Blase echoed this take in his bottom line. Mandating that plans cover EHBs without annual or lifetime caps, as required under the ACA law, encourages clinicians to overbill and overprescribe, he said. That drives up premiums and means a bigger check for insurers and medical providers at the expense of taxpayers. “You just turn patients into money factories,” he said.

, a senior research fellow at Georgetown University’s Center on Health Insurance Reforms, disagrees, saying that whatever EHBs’ role, they aren’t to blame for the year-over-year premium hikes.

People aren’t consuming medical care at exponential rates just because certain services are now covered: “Me not paying anything for that colonoscopy doesn’t make me want to get more of them,” she said.

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But there’s a catch: If people want to move to original Medicare and buy a supplemental Medigap insurance plan to cover some out-of-pocket costs, they may not be able to. Medigap insurers can generally refuse coverage to applicants whose medical history or current health problems might make them expensive to cover, a process called medical underwriting.

“We really want people to factor that in,” said , managing policy attorney at the Center for Medicare Advocacy. “If someone is in a Medicare Advantage plan for several years and then wants to switch to original Medicare, they may find they can’t switch and also get a Medigap plan.”

There are many reasons people might want to trade their MA plan for traditional Medicare. Although MA managed-care plans are typically cheaper and offer benefits not available in original Medicare, such as coverage for vision and hearing services, they have smaller provider networks than the original program and, sometimes, extensive prior authorization requirements.

In addition, as Medicare Advantage plan in recent years, a growing number of plans are pulling out of areas they used to serve, leaving members with fewer options. This year, an estimated 1 in 10 MA plan members will be forced out of their plans for this reason, according to a in February.

“We saw some Medicare Advantage plans that just left the market completely and stopped issuing plans,” said Emily Whicheloe, education director at the Medicare Rights Center.

For those considering a switch to original Medicare, getting a Medigap plan can be tricky. Federal law provides a one-time, for people 65 or older and newly covered by Medicare Part B to sign up for any Medigap plan without underwriting. After that initial sign-up period ends, however, there are fewer coverage guarantees.

But some do exist. Here are a few key circumstances and time frames when people are guaranteed a Medigap plan without having to undergo underwriting:

• People who live in Connecticut, Massachusetts, or New York can sign up for a Medigap policy without underwriting. In Maine, there is a one-month window each year when Medigap insurers must offer Plan A to all comers without underwriting. (Plan A provides less comprehensive coverage than some of the other standardized plan types.)
• People who sign up for a Medicare Advantage plan when they are first eligible for Medicare Part A at age 65 can switch to original Medicare within the first year and buy a Medigap plan too. This is sometimes called the “.”
• If a Medicare Advantage plan leaves Medicare or in an area, affected enrollees can switch to original Medicare and buy a Medigap plan either 60 days before or up to 63 days after their MA coverage ends. During this special enrollment period, they can’t be turned down or charged more based on their health.
• If an individual and no longer has access to their Medicare Advantage plan providers, they can switch to original Medicare and apply for a Medigap policy either 60 days before or up to 63 days after their MA coverage ends. That typically happens when someone notifies the plan of their permanent move or the plan discovers it, said , a training, policy, and technical assistance consultant at California Health Advocates who specializes in Medicare and Medigap coverage.

There are other circumstances when someone might qualify for a special enrollment period under federal rules, and states may have additional qualifying events that are more generous than federal standards.

Patient advocates emphasize that it’s often useful to work with a counselor at the , or SHIP, for free, unbiased help figuring out Medigap coverage options. SHIP counselors can help applicants identify potential avenues to qualify for Medigap coverage without underwriting at both the federal and state levels.

People who don’t qualify for a guaranteed right to a Medigap plan without underwriting may still be approved for coverage. Premiums may be higher, however, and plans may impose a waiting period of up to six months for coverage of preexisting medical conditions in certain circumstances.

Beware: More Underwriting

In recent years, some Medigap insurers have spent a growing percentage of premiums on medical claims, putting pressure on profits, Burns said. “Medigap insurers’ underwriting has tightened up considerably recently,” she said.

The list of health conditions that Medigap insurers might deny coverage for is long, including Alzheimer’s disease, asthma, cancer, congestive heart disease, diabetes with complications, end-stage renal disease, high blood pressure, and stroke, among others, according to a of leading insurers’ applications.

When people apply for a Medigap plan that will be medically underwritten, they will typically be asked to fill out a health questionnaire, said , a principal and consulting actuary at Milliman who is a Society of Actuaries fellow. Increasingly, insurers are requesting that people agree to a prescription drug background check, Ortner said.

“Oftentimes, that prescription drug history may be the primary driver of a decision as it relates to underwriting,” he said, rather than a physical exam or medical records review.

Insurers don’t all have the same underwriting rules, however. Here again, a SHIP counselor may be useful for pointing people to specific companies that accept applicants with a particular medical diagnosis, or have different waiting periods or coverage exclusions.

“They have access to a Medigap comparison tool in addition to what is existing on that can give you a very good estimate of what you may pay for those Medigap plans,” said , associate director of health coverage and benefits at the National Council on Aging.

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One name repeatedly crops up in these discussions: Valley Medical Group.

With four locations in the Connecticut River Valley, the practice has been a mainstay of family medicine since the 1990s. Valley Medical’s flagship office in Florence can be found right on Main Street, next door to a pizza restaurant and near a Friendly’s.

Valley has 90 medical providers — including doctors, nurse practitioners, and physician assistants — and on-site labs, X-rays, and vision care. With tens of thousands of patients, it’s become one of the largest independent practices in western Massachusetts.

It forms a key part of the region’s health care infrastructure, yet Valley Medical has rarely been under more strain than it is now. In January, the practice laid off 40 employees — 10% of its 400-person staff — mostly in support positions.

Despite patient demand — there are waiting lists to be seen — primary care providers take on more clinical responsibilities, and for less pay, than most medical specialists, said the group’s CEO, primary care physician . Rates are outlined in the group’s contracts with insurance providers.

“It has to do with the fact that our contracts don’t pay as well as we think they should,” Carlan said. “The cost of everything is going up.”

Valley Medical Group is far from alone in this predicament. Thousands of primary care practices, a key gateway to the medical system, are fighting to remain financially viable — and independent.

In response, many are banding together to form or IPAs. The goal is to increase their market power, change the way they get paid, and retain control over how they treat patients.

Threats to Physician Autonomy

Primary care practices in the U.S. are in serious trouble, according to workforce surveys. The American Association of Medical Colleges of up to 86,000 primary care doctors by 2036, as more primary care doctors retire and fewer enter the field.

The number of people who can’t find a primary care doctor has grown by 20% in the past decade, according to a .

Lower relative salaries and higher professional stress are disincentives when medical students consider a career in primary care. Newly minted doctors can earn more in specialties such as cardiology or surgery.

Financial stresses in U.S. health care, exacerbated by the covid pandemic, have led to the closure of many primary care practices, according to the AAMC.

The released a report in 2025 partly blaming the crisis on the relatively low insurance reimbursement rates for primary care. The revenue problem for primary care is projected to get worse when the Republican-backed cuts to Medicaid start to take effect later this year.

As they seek financial security, many primary care practices have merged with large hospital systems, with doctors becoming employees of those systems.

But the doctors at Valley Medical Group were determined to avoid that fate. Joining a health system takes away the to make the best clinical decisions for their patients, Carlan said. It also siphons off income into the larger hospital system.

“Our priorities get muddled up,” he said. “And I think when you’re part of a health system, you’re constantly being asked to bend for the needs of the organization. Hospitals get paid when their beds are full.”

By contrast, primary care providers need time and money to manage or prevent illness, Carlan said, and their insurance reimbursement rates should take that into account.

In December, Valley Medical Group announced it would be . Like a union, an IPA combines individual primary care offices, giving them power in numbers when negotiating contracts with Medicaid, Medicare, and private insurance companies.

“It’s a moment of transition,” said Lisa Bielamowicz, chief clinical officer of , an independent health care consultancy that works with health systems and physician groups.

IPAs are gaining momentum as older doctors retire, especially following the challenging years of the covid pandemic, Bielamowicz said. “As the baby boomers move out and younger physicians take leadership roles, these kinds of models become more attractive.”

The , a trade group, is hearing from practice owners who joined hospital systems but now want to break off and return to being a smaller practice.

“So if independent IPAs can create the infrastructure support to make independent practice viable, then that’s a good thing,” said , a vice president at AAFP.

IPAs can bring more clout to the table when negotiating rates with insurance companies. Some insurers say they like working with these partnerships because they help stabilize primary care practices, maintaining access and options for insured patients.

Otherwise, some doctors shift their business model to “direct primary care,” which bypasses insurance altogether.

“We’re looking at independent practices that aren’t buoyed by …. these large health systems and can support members in the community in the ways that they want to be supported,” said , a vice president with .

A Different Payment Model

When those independent practices band together, Glenn said, Blue Cross can offer . Instead of getting a payment for each visit or procedure, the medical practice is given a budgeted amount for each patient’s care, which provides an incentive to keep them healthy so they need fewer treatments.

Medical providers “make different kinds of choices than they would if they’re paid for every procedure, every visit, every widget,” TrustWorks’ Bielamowicz said.

If there is money left at the end of the year, it’s split between the practice and the insurer.

The catch, Glenn said, is that a value-based contract works only if there’s a big enough pool of patients to spread out the risk, in case a few get really sick. Otherwise, she said, “the risk of ending up above or below the budget becomes somewhat subject to random variation rather than performance.”

Value-based contracts were supposed to be the next big thing when the Affordable Care Act passed in 2010, an innovative way to bring costs down for the health system as a whole.

But they were slow to catch on; the traditional fee-for-service payment model was too entrenched. Experts say that could still change, if enough primary care providers work together to build market power through IPAs.

“If we keep people out of the ER, keep them out of unnecessary hospitalizations, we save money for the system,” said Chris Kryder, CEO of in Cambridge, Massachusetts, the IPA specializing in value-based contracts that Valley Medical joined. “And we create more income for the PCPs [primary care providers], which is dreadfully needed.”

These contracts also allow more flexibility in staffing, Kryder said, because nurses, physical therapists, and medical assistants can take on some of the less complex medical tasks, saving the practice money.

IPAs Can Help, Depending on Who’s in Charge

But IPAs are not a panacea for primary care’s problems, according to some health care leaders.

There are hundreds of IPAs, but not all offer the independence and autonomy that many doctors crave. Some IPAs are actually owned by hospital systems, or even private equity companies, and they’re less focused on preventive care.

The American Academy of Family Physicians advises its members to seek out IPAs with “integrity,” ones that give doctors a strong role in decision-making.

“Who’s calling the shots, who’s making the decisions, and is it really focused on the best interests and long-term benefit of physicians in practice and their patients?” asked AAFP’s Johnson.

Arches Medical is owned entirely by physicians and focused specifically on primary care, Kryder said. But to be more effective, Arches needs to recruit more practices that want value-based contracts.

That can be a hard sell, said Glenn, of Blue Cross. Under that payment model, doctors might see a lag of more than a year from the time they provide care to the moment they realize savings.

“It doesn’t happen overnight, and it does take an investment,” she said.

That lag is one reason Valley Medical Group had to lay off staff after joining the Arches IPA, said CEO Carlan. But he has faith that, after some time, the practice will become more financially stable, be able to offer higher salaries, and, most important, keep the doctors in charge.

This article is from a partnership with and .

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After Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. fired Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Director Susan Monarez for refusing what her lawyers called “,” Newsom to help modernize California’s public health system. He also gave a job to Debra Houry, the agency’s former chief science and medical officer, who had resigned in protest hours after Monarez’s firing.

Newsom also teamed up with fellow Democratic governors Tina Kotek of Oregon, Bob Ferguson of Washington, and Josh Green of Hawaii to form the , a regional public health agency, whose guidance would “uphold scientific integrity in public health as Trump destroys” the CDC’s credibility. Newsom argued establishing the independent alliance was vital as Kennedy leads the Trump administration’s rollback of national vaccine recommendations.

More recently, California became the a global outbreak response network coordinated by the World Health Organization, followed by Illinois and New York. Colorado and Wisconsin signaled they plan to join. They did so after President Donald Trump officially from the agency on the grounds that it had “strayed from its core mission and has acted contrary to the U.S. interests in protecting the U.S. public on multiple occasions.” Newsom said joining the WHO-led consortium would enable California to respond faster to communicable disease outbreaks and other public health threats.

Although other Democratic governors and public health leaders have openly criticized the federal government, few have been as outspoken as Newsom, who is considering a run for president in 2028 and is in his second and final term as governor. Members of the scientific community have praised his effort to build a public health bulwark against the Trump administration’s slashing of funding and scaling back of vaccine recommendations.

What Newsom is doing “is a great idea,” said Paul Offit, an outspoken critic of Kennedy and a vaccine expert who formerly served on the Food and Drug Administration’s vaccine advisory committee but was removed under Trump in 2025.

“Public health has been turned on its head,” Offit said. “We have an anti-vaccine activist and science denialist as the head of U.S. Health and Human Services. It’s dangerous.”

The White House did not respond to questions about Newsom’s stance and HHS declined requests to interview Kennedy. Instead, federal health officials criticized Democrats broadly, arguing that blue states are participating in fraud and mismanagement of federal funds in public health programs.

HHS spokesperson Emily Hilliard said the administration is going after “Democrat-run states that pushed unscientific lockdowns, toddler mask mandates, and draconian vaccine passports during the covid era.” She said those moves have “completely eroded the American people’s trust in public health agencies.”

Public Health Guided by Science

Since Trump returned to office, Newsom has criticized the president and his administration for engineering policies that he sees as an affront to public health and safety, labeling federal leaders as “extremists” trying to “weaponize the CDC and spread misinformation.” He has for erroneously linking vaccines to autism, the administration is endangering the lives of infants and young children in scaling back childhood vaccine recommendations. And he argued that the White House is unleashing “chaos” on America’s public health system in backing out of the WHO.

The governor declined an interview request. Newsom spokesperson Marissa Saldivar said it’s a priority of the governor “to protect public health and provide communities with guidance rooted in science and evidence, not politics and conspiracies.”

The Trump administration’s moves have triggered financial uncertainty that local officials said has reduced morale within public health departments and left states unprepared for disease outbreaks and . The White House last year proposed cutting HHS spending , including . Congress largely rejected those cuts last month, although funding for programs focusing on social drivers of health, such as access to food, housing, and education, .

The Trump administration announced that it would claw back in public health funds from California, Colorado, Illinois, and Minnesota, arguing that the Democratic-led states were funding “woke” initiatives that didn’t reflect White House priorities. Within days, and a judge the cut.

“They keep suddenly canceling grants and then it gets overturned in court,” said Kat DeBurgh, executive director of the Health Officers Association of California. “A lot of the damage is already done because counties already stopped doing the work.”

Federal funding has accounted for of state and local health department budgets nationwide, with money going toward fighting HIV and other sexually transmitted infections, preventing chronic diseases, and boosting public health preparedness and communicable disease response, according to a 2025 analysis by KFF, a health information nonprofit that includes Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News.

Federal funds account for $2.4 billion of California’s $5.3 billion public health budget, making it difficult for Newsom and state lawmakers to backfill potential cuts. That money helps fund state operations and is vital for local health departments.

Funding Cuts Hurt All

Los Angeles County public health director Barbara Ferrer said if the federal government is allowed to cut that $600 million, the county of nearly 10 million residents would lose an estimated $84 million over the next two years, in addition to other grants for prevention of HIV and other sexually transmitted infections. Ferrer said the county depends on nearly $1 billion in federal funding annually to track and prevent communicable diseases and combat chronic health conditions, including diabetes and high blood pressure. Already, the the closure of that provided vaccinations and disease testing, largely because of funding losses tied to federal grant cuts.

“It’s an ill-informed strategy,” Ferrer said. “Public health doesn’t care whether your political affiliation is Republican or Democrat. It doesn’t care about your immigration status or sexual orientation. Public health has to be available for everyone.”

A single case of measles requires public health workers to track down 200 potential contacts, Ferrer said.

The U.S. but is close to losing that status as a result of vaccine skepticism and misinformation spread by vaccine critics. The U.S. had , the most since 1991, with 93% in people who were unvaccinated or whose vaccination status was unknown. This year, the highly contagious disease has been reported at , , and .

Public health officials hope the West Coast Health Alliance can help counteract Trump by building trust through evidence-based public health guidance.

“What we’re seeing from the federal government is partisan politics at its worst and retaliation for policy differences, and it puts at extraordinary risk the health and well-being of the American people,” said Georges Benjamin, executive director of the American Public Health Association, a coalition of public health professionals.

Robust Vaccine Schedule

Erica Pan, California’s top public health officer and director of the state Department of Public Health, said the West Coast Health Alliance is defending science by recommending a vaccine schedule than the federal government. California is part of a coalition over its decision to rescind recommendations for seven childhood vaccines, including for hepatitis A, hepatitis B, influenza, and covid-19.

Pan expressed deep concern about the state of public health, particularly the uptick in measles. “We’re sliding backwards,” Pan said of immunizations.

Sarah Kemble, Hawaii’s state epidemiologist, said Hawaii joined the alliance after hearing from pro-vaccine residents who wanted assurance that they would have access to vaccines.

“We were getting a lot of questions and anxiety from people who did understand science-based recommendations but were wondering, ‘Am I still going to be able to go get my shot?’” Kemble said.

Other states led mostly by Democrats have also formed alliances, with Pennsylvania, New York, New Jersey, Massachusetts, and several other East Coast states banding together to create the .

HHS’ Hilliard said that even as Democratic governors establish vaccine advisory coalitions, the federal “remains the scientific body guiding immunization recommendations in this country, and HHS will ensure policy is based on rigorous evidence and gold standard science, not the failed politics of the pandemic.”

Influencing Red States

Newsom, for his part, has approved a recurring annual infusion of nearly $300 million to support the state Department of Public Health, as well as the 61 local public health agencies across California, and last year authorizing the state to issue its own immunization guidance. It requires health insurers in California to provide patient coverage for vaccinations the state recommends even if the federal government doesn’t.

Jeffrey Singer, a doctor and senior fellow at the libertarian Cato Institute, said decentralization can be beneficial. That’s because local media campaigns that reflect different political ideologies and community priorities may have a better chance of influencing the public.

A KFF analysis found some red states are joining blue states in decoupling their vaccine recommendations from the federal government’s. Singer said some doctors in his home state of Arizona are looking to more liberal California for vaccine recommendations.

“Science is never settled, and there are a lot of areas of this country where there are differences of opinion,” Singer said. “This can help us challenge our assumptions and learn.”

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This posting combined Donald Trump’s longtime passion to use the offshore base to move “some bad dudes” out of the United States with a promise made shortly after his inauguration last year to hold thousands of noncitizens there. The naval base is known for the and of men suspected of terrorism in the wake of 9/11.

“Deployments are typically not something you can say no to,” Stewart said. She pleaded with the coordinating office, which found another nurse to go in her place.

Other public health officers who worked at Guantánamo in the past year described conditions there for the detainees, some of whom learned they were in Cuba from the nurses and doctors sent to care for them. They treated immigrants detained in a dark prison called Camp 6, where no sunlight filters in, said the officers, whom Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News agreed not to name because they fear retaliation for speaking publicly. It previously held people with suspected ties to al-Qaida. The officers said they were not briefed ahead of time on the details of their potential duties at the base.

Although the Public Health Service is not a branch of the U.S. armed forces, its uniformed officers — roughly 5,000 doctors, nurses, and other health workers — act like stethoscope-wearing soldiers in emergencies. The government deploys them during hurricanes, wildfires, mass shootings, and measles outbreaks. In the interim, they fill gaps at an alphabet soup of government agencies.

The Trump administration’s to curb immigration have created a new type of health emergency as the number of people detained reaches . About 71,000 immigrants are currently imprisoned, according to , which shows that most have no criminal record.

Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem has said: “President Donald Trump has been very clear: Guantanamo Bay will hold the worst of the worst.” However, that many of the men shipped to the base had no criminal convictions. As many as 90% of them were described as “low-risk” in a from ICE.

In fits and starts, the Trump administration has sent about 780 noncitizens to Guantánamo Bay, The New York Times. Numbers fluctuate as new detainees arrive and others are returned to the U.S. or deported.

While some Public Health Service officers have provided medical care to detained immigrants in the past, this is the first time in American history that Guantánamo has been used to house immigrants who had been living in the U.S. Officers said ICE postings are getting more common. After dodging Guantánamo, Stewart was instructed to report to an ICE detention center in Texas.

“Public health officers are being asked to facilitate a man-made humanitarian crisis,” she said.

Seeing no option to refuse deployments that she found objectionable, Stewart resigned after a decade of service. She would give up the prospect of a pension offered after 20 years.

“It was one of the hardest decisions I ever had to make,” she said. “It was my dream job.”

One of her PHS colleagues, nurse Dena Bushman, grappled with a similar moral dilemma when she got a notice to report to Guantánamo a few weeks after the shooting at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in August. Bushman, who was posted with the CDC, got a medical waiver delaying her deployment on account of stress and grief. She considered resigning, then did.

“This may sound extreme,” Bushman said. “But when I was making this decision, I couldn’t help but think about how the people who fed those imprisoned in concentration camps were still part of the Nazi regime.”

Others have resigned, but many officers remain. While they are alarmed by Trump’s tactics, detained people need care, multiple PHS officers told Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News.

“We do the best we can to provide care to people in this shit show,” said a PHS nurse who worked in detention facilities last year.

“I respect people and treat them like humans,” she said. “I try to be a light in the darkness, the one person that makes someone smile in this horrible mess.”

The PHS officers conceded that their power to protect people was limited in a detention system fraught with overcrowding, disorganization, and the psychological trauma of uncertainty, family separations, and sleep deprivation.

“Ensuring the safety, security, and well-being of individuals in our custody is a top priority at ICE,” said Tricia McLaughlin, chief spokesperson for the Department of Homeland Security, in an emailed statement to Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News.

Adm. Brian Christine, assistant secretary for health at the Department of Health and Human Services, which oversees the Public Health Service, said in an email: “Our duty is clear: say “Yes Sir!”, salute smartly, and execute the mission: show up, provide humane care, and protect health.” Christine is a who, until recently, was a urologist specializing in testosterone and male fertility issues.

“In pursuit of subjective morality or public displays of virtue,” he added, “we risk abandoning the very individuals we pledged to serve.”

Into the Unknown

In the months before Stewart resigned, she reflected on her previous deployments, during Trump’s first term, to immigration processing centers run by Customs and Border Protection. Fifty women were held in a single concrete cell in Texas, she recalled.

“The most impactful thing I could do was to convince the guards to allow the women, who had been in there for a week, to shower,” she said. “I witnessed suffering without having much ability to address it.”

Stewart spoke with Bushman and other PHS officers who were embedded at the CDC last year. They assisted with the agency’s response to ongoing measles outbreaks, with sexually transmitted infection research, and more. Their roles became crucial last year as the Trump administration laid off droves of CDC staffers.

Stewart, Bushman, and a few other PHS officers at the CDC said they met with middle managers to ask for details about the deployments: If they went to Guantánamo and ICE facilities, how much power would they have to provide what they considered medically necessary care? If they saw anything unethical, how could they report it? Would it be investigated? Would they be protected from reprisal?

Stewart and Bushman said they were given a PHS office phone number they could call if they had a complaint while on assignment. Otherwise, they said, their questions went unanswered. They resigned and so never went to Guantánamo.

PHS officers who were deployed to the base told Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News they weren’t given details about their potential duties — or the standard operating procedure for medical care — before they arrived.

Stephen Xenakis, a retired Army general and a psychiatrist who has advised on medical care at Guantánamo for two decades, said that was troubling. Before health workers deploy, he said, they should understand what they’ll be expected to do.

The consequences of insufficient preparation can be severe. In 2014, the Navy one of its nurses at Guantánamo who refused to force-feed prisoners on hunger strike, who were protesting inhumane treatment and indefinite detention. The protocol : A person was shackled to a five-point restraint chair as nurses shoved a tube for liquid food into their stomach through their nostrils.

“He wasn’t given clear guidance in advance on how these procedures would be conducted at Guantánamo,” Xenakis said of the nurse. “Until he saw it, he didn’t understand how painful it was for detainees.”

The American Nurses Association and Physicians for Human Rights sided with the nurse, saying his objection was . After a year, the military dropped the charges.

A uniformed doctor or nurse’s power tends to depend on their rank, their supervisor, and chains of command, Xenakis said. He helped put an end to some inhumane practices at Guantánamo more than a decade ago, when he and other retired generals and admirals to certain interrogation techniques, such in which interrogators slammed the heads of detainees suspected of terrorism against a wall, causing slight concussions. Xenakis argued that science didn’t support “walling” as an effective means of interrogation, and that it was unethical, amounting to .

Torture hasn’t been reported from Guantánamo’s immigration operation, but obtained through a Freedom of Information Act request by the government watchdog group American Oversight note concerns about detainees resorting to hunger strikes and self-harm.

“Welfare checks with potential hunger strike IA’s,” short for illegal aliens, says an April 30 note from a contractor working with ICE. “In case of a hunger strike or other emergencies,” the report adds, the PHS and ICE are “coordinating policies and procedures.”

“De-escalation of potential pod wide hunger strike/potential riot,” says an entry from July 8. “Speak with alien on suicide watch regarding well being.”

and have reported delayed medical care at immigration detention facilities and dangerous conditions, including overcrowding and a lack of sanitation. Thirty-two people died in ICE custody in 2025, making it the deadliest year in two decades.

“They are arresting and detaining more people than their facilities can support,” one PHS officer told Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News. The most prevalent problem the officer saw among imprisoned immigrants was psychological. They worried about never seeing their families again or being sent back to a country where they feared they’d be killed. “People are scared out of their minds,” the officer said.

No Sunlight

The PHS officers who were at Guantánamo told Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News that the men they saw were detained in either low-security barracks, with a handful of people per room, or in Camp 6, a dark, high-security facility without natural light. The ICE shift reports describe the two stations by their position on the island, Leeward for the barracks and Windward for Camp 6. About 50 sent to Guantánamo in December and January have languished at Camp 6.

A Navy hospital on the base mainly serves the military and other residents who aren’t locked up — and in any case, its capabilities are limited, the officers said. To reduce the chance of expensive medical evacuations back to the U.S. to see specialists quickly, they said, the immigrants were screened before being shipped to Guantánamo. People over age 60 or who needed daily drugs to manage diabetes and high blood pressure, for example, were generally excluded. Still, the officers said, some detainees have had to be evacuated back to Florida.

PHS nurses and doctors said they screened immigrants again when they arrived and provided ongoing care, fielding complaints including about gastrointestinal distress and depression. One ICE monthly progress report says, “The USPHS psychologist started an exercise group” for detainees.

Doctors’ requests for lab work were often turned down because of logistical hurdles, partly due to the number of agencies working together on the base, the officers said. Even a routine test, a complete blood count, took weeks to process, versus hours in the U.S.

DHS and the Department of Defense, which have coordinated on the Guantánamo immigration operation, did not respond to requests for comment about their work there.

One PHS officer who helped medically screen new detainees said they were often surprised to learn they were at Guantánamo.

“I’d tell them, ‘I’m sorry you are here,’” the officer said. “No one freaked out. It was like the ten-millionth time they had been transferred.” Some of the men had been detained in various facilities for five or six months and said they wanted to return to their home countries, according to the officer. Health workers had neither an answer nor a fix.

Unlike ICE detention facilities in the U.S., Guantánamo hasn’t been overcrowded. “I have never been so not busy at work,” one officer said. A military base on a tropical island, Guantánamo such as snorkeling, paddleboard yoga, and kickboxing to those who aren’t imprisoned. Even so, the officer said they would rather be home than on this assignment on the taxpayer’s dime.

Transporting staff and supplies to the island and maintaining them on-base is enormously expensive. The government paid an estimated $16,500 per day, per detainee at Guantánamo, to hold those accused of terrorism, according to a 2025 of DOD data. (The average cost to detain immigrants in ICE facilities in the U.S. is $157 a day.)

Even so, the : Congress granted ICE a record $78 billion for fiscal year 2026, a staggering increase from $9.9 billion in 2024 and $6.5 billion nearly a decade ago.

Last year, the Trump administration also from the national defense budget to immigration operations, according to a report from congressional Democrats. About $60 million of it went to Guantánamo.

“Detaining noncitizens at Guantanamo is far more costly and logistically burdensome than holding them in ICE detention facilities within the United States,” wrote Deborah Fleischaker, a former assistant director at ICE, in submitted as part of a lawsuit brought by the American Civil Liberties Union early last year. In December, a federal judge rejected the Trump administration’s request to dismiss a separate ACLU case questioning the legality of detaining immigrants outside the U.S.

Anne Schuchat, who served with the PHS for 30 years before retiring in 2018, said PHS deployments to detention centers may cost the nation in terms of security, too. “A key concern has always been to have enough of these officers available for public health emergencies,” she said.

Andrew Nixon, an HHS spokesperson, said the immigration deployments don’t affect the public health service’s potential response to other emergencies.

In the past, PHS officers have stood up medical shelters during hurricanes in Louisiana and Texas, rolled out covid testing in the earliest months of the pandemic, and provided crisis support after the deadly shooting at Sandy Hook Elementary School and the Boston Marathon bombing.

“It’s important for the public to be aware of how many government resources are being used so that the current administration can carry out this one agenda,” said Stewart, one of the nurses who resigned. “This one thing that’s probably turning us into the types of countries we have fought wars against.”

This <a target="_blank" href="/public-health/us-public-health-service-resignations-guantanamo-immigration-detention/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">KFF Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

Brugge lifted up one of the jars and gazed at it with reverence. Each jar holds samples of breast tissue donated by patients after they underwent a tissue biopsy or breast surgery — samples that may reveal a new way to prevent breast cancer.

Brugge and her research team have analyzed the cell structure of more than 100 samples.

Using high-powered microscopes and complex computer algorithms, they diagram each stage in the development of breast cancer: from the first sign of cell mutation to the formation of tiny clusters, well before they are large enough to be considered tumors.

Their quest is to prevent breast cancer, a disease that afflicts roughly 1 in 8 U.S. women over their lifetimes, as well as some men. Their ultimate goal is to relieve the pain, suffering, and risk of death that accompany this disease. And their painstaking work, unspooling across six years of a seven-year, , has yielded results.

In late 2024, Brugge and her colleagues in breast tissue that contain the genetic seeds of breast tumors.

And they discovered that these “seed cells” are surprisingly common. In fact, they are present in the normal, healthy tissue of every breast sample her lab has examined, Brugge said, including samples from patients who haven’t had breast cancer but have had surgery for other reasons, such as breast reduction or a biopsy that proved benign.

The next research challenge for Brugge’s lab is clear: Find ways to detect, isolate, and terminate the mutant cells before they can spread and form tumors.

“I’m excited about what we’re doing right now,” Brugge said. “I think we could make a difference, so I don’t want to stop.”

Work in Brugge’s lab slowed significantly last year. In April, her from the National Cancer Institute at the National Institutes of Health was frozen, along with virtually all other federal money awarded to Harvard researchers.

The Trump administration said it was withholding the funds of antisemitism on campus.

Some of Brugge’s lab staff lost federal fellowships that funded their work. Brugge told others funded through the NIH grant that she couldn’t guarantee their salaries. In all, Brugge lost seven of her 18 lab employees.

In September, the funding for the NIH grant was restored. But in the intervening months, the Trump administration said Brugge and other Harvard researchers for the next round of multiyear grants.

A federal judge , but Brugge had missed the deadline to apply for renewal. So her current funding will end in August.

Brugge scrambled to secure private funding from foundations and philanthropists. She was then able to reinstate two positions for at least a year — but job applicants are wary.

Across the United States, the future of federal funding for cancer research is uncertain.

President Donald Trump has proposed by nearly 40% in the 2026 fiscal year.

In a , the White House said the “NIH has broken the trust of the American people with wasteful spending, misleading information, risky research, and the promotion of dangerous ideologies that undermine public health.”

But Congress has other plans: The released on Jan. 20 that would set the NIH’s budget at $48.7 billion, $415 million more than in the 2025 fiscal year.

In the meantime, advocates such as with the are reminding lawmakers that the cancer death rate has declined — — due in part to federally funded research advances.

“But we still have an incredible ways to go before we can say that we’ve changed the trajectory of cancer,” Fleury said. “There are still cancer types that are fairly lethal, and there are still populations of people for whom their experience of cancer is vastly different from other groups.”

Reductions in research funding will have a direct impact on treatment options for patients, Fleury said. For example, a 10% cut to the NIH budget would eventually result in two fewer new drugs or treatments per year, according to from the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office.

A recent study looked at drugs that were developed through NIH-funded research and approved by the Food and Drug Administration since 2000. More than half those drugs would probably if the NIH had been operating with a 40% smaller budget.

“We can’t say, ‘But for that grant, that [specific] drug would not have come into existence,’” said , a co-author of the study and a professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. But fewer drugs would have made it to market, he said. “It makes us at least want to pause and say, ‘What are we doing here? Are we shooting ourselves in the foot?’”

Amid all the uncertainty, Brugge has trouble focusing on her goal of finding new ways to prevent breast cancer.

Nowadays, she spends about half her time searching for new sources of funding, managing her remaining employees’ anxieties, and monitoring the most recent news about Harvard, the Trump administration, and the NIH and other federal agencies that have experienced grant freezes, staff layoffs, and other disruptions.

She’d rather return her attention to her ongoing investigations, which she’s confident could eventually save lives.

The breakdown of Brugge’s lab highlights another problem: The U.S. is kneecapping the next generation of cancer researchers. Her employees included , postdocs, and graduate students. Of the seven who left the lab in 2025, one left the U.S., one took a job at a health care management company, four went back to school, and one is still looking for work.

One of Brugge’s former staffers, Y., is a computational biologist. She helped design and run a tool that analyzes millions of breast tissue cells from the samples in the pink-lidded jars.

Y. moved to Switzerland in October to begin a PhD program. Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News and NPR are identifying her by her middle initial because she plans to return to the U.S. for scientific conferences and worries that speaking publicly about her experience could risk future visa approvals.

“I thought the U.S. would be a safe place for scientists to learn and grow,” said Y., who moved to Boston from abroad for Harvard’s master’s degree program in bioinformatics. “I really hope that those who have the opportunities to study this further can fill in those missing pieces in cancer research.”

Brugge is no longer accepting job applicants from outside the U.S., even if they are top candidates, because she can’t afford to pay the Trump administration’s on visas for some foreign researchers.

The Association of American Universities and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce have , claiming the fee is misguided and illegal. The Trump administration said the fee would and improve opportunities for Americans.

Brugge doubts work in her lab will ever return to normal.

“There’ll always be, now, this existential threat to the research,” Brugge said. “I will definitely be concerned because we don’t know what’s going to happen in the future that might trigger a similar kind of action.”

Brugge has thought about shutting down her lab. But she still employs staff members whose future scientific careers are tied to finishing some of the research. And when she looks at those pink-lidded jars, she still sees so much promise.

This article is from a partnership that includes , , and Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News.

This <a target="_blank" href="/health-industry/nih-grant-freeze-breast-cancer-research-slowed-harvard-lab/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">KFF Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

MacDonald wanted to find a new doctor right away. She needed refills for her blood pressure medications and wanted to book a follow-up appointment after a breast cancer scare. 

She called 10 primary care practices near her home in Westwood, Massachusetts. None of the doctors, nurse practitioners, or physician assistants was taking new patients. A few offices told her that a doctor could see her in a year and a half or two years.

“I was just shocked by that, because we live in Boston and we’re supposed to have this great medical care,” said MacDonald, who is in her late 40s and has private health insurance. “I couldn’t get my mind around the fact that we didn’t have any doctors.”

The shortage of primary care providers is a , but it’s particularly acute in Massachusetts. The state’s primary care workforce is shrinking faster than in most states, according to a .

Some health networks, including the state’s largest hospital chain, , are turning to artificial intelligence for solutions.

In September, right when MacDonald was running out of blood pressure medications, MGB launched a new AI-supported program, . MacDonald had received a letter from MGB, telling her no primary care providers in the network were taking new patients for in-person care. At the bottom of the letter was a link to Care Connect.

MacDonald downloaded the app and requested a telehealth appointment with a doctor. She then spent about 10 minutes chatting with an AI agent about why she wanted to see a physician. Afterward, the AI tool sent a summary of the chat to a primary care doctor who could see MacDonald by video.

“I think I got an appointment the next day or two days later,” she said. “It was just such a difference from being told I had to wait two years.”

Round-the-Clock Convenience

MGB says the AI tool can handle patients seeking care for colds, nausea, rashes, sprains, and other common urgent care requests, as well as mild to moderate mental health concerns and issues related to chronic diseases. After the patient types in a description of the symptoms or problem, the AI tool sends a doctor a suggested diagnosis and treatment plan.

Care Connect employs 12 physicians to work with the AI. They log in remotely from around the U.S., and patients can get help round-the-clock, seven days a week.

Care Connect is one of many AI-based tools that hospitals, doctors, and administrative staff are testing for a range of routine medical tasks, including note-taking, reviewing diagnostic results, billing, and ordering supplies.

Proponents argue that these AI programs can help relieve staff burnout and worker shortages by reducing time spent on medical records, referrals, and other administrative tasks. But there’s debate about and to use AI to improve diagnoses. Critics worry that AI agents miss important details about overlapping medical conditions.

Critics also point out that AI tools can’t assess whether patients can afford follow-up care or get to that appointment. They have no insight into family dynamics or caretaking needs, things that primary physicians come to understand through long-term personal relationships.

Since her first foray on the app in September, MacDonald has used Care Connect at least three more times. Two of those interactions led to an eventual conversation with a remote doctor, but when she went online to book an appointment for travel-related shots, she interacted only with the AI chatbot before visiting the travel clinic.

MacDonald likes the convenience.

“I don’t have to leave work,” she said. “And I gained some peace of mind, knowing that I have a plan between now and me finding another in-person doctor.”

So while she hunted for that person, MacDonald planned to stay with Care Connect.

“This is a logical solution in the short term,” MacDonald said. “At the end of the day, it’s the patient who’s feeling the aftermath of all of the bigger things going on in health care.”

Scarcity and Burnout

Many factors contribute to the shortage of providers. Many primary care doctors, such as pediatricians, internists, and family medicine physicians, are dissatisfied with their pay. They earn about , on average, than specialists such as surgeons, cardiologists, and anesthesiologists. 

At the same time, their workload has been increasing. Primary care doctors days packed with complex patient visits, followed by evenings spent updating medical records and responding to patient messages.

When MacDonald signed onto Care Connect, she was one of 15,000 patients in the Mass General Brigham system without a primary care provider. That number has grown as primary care doctors have left MGB for rival hospital networks.

, a primary care physician at an MGB health center in Chelsea, Massachusetts, said she’s staying at MGB for now, but she’s grown frustrated with the system’s leaders.

“They don’t make any effort to ease the shortage,” said Rao, who is also part of an MBG’s primary care doctors. “They put their money into specialties. Primary care feels like a peripheral part of the system, when it really should be a central part.”

Last year, MGB pledged to spend $400 million over five years on primary care services — though that includes the multiyear contract with Care Connect.

“Care Connect is just one solution among many in this broader strategy to alleviate the primary care capacity crisis,” , MGB’s chief operating officer, said in an emailed statement. “Our investment supports retaining our current physicians as well as recruiting new ones.”

Walls said MGB has increased staffing support for primary care physicians, implemented other AI tools, and hired a new executive for primary care. Some of these changes are based on recommendations from their own primary care doctors.

But some of those doctors say they would like other changes, and salary increases in particular.

Walls would not disclose the exact amount MGB is spending on Care Connect.

Bridge to Better Care or a ‘Band-Aid’?

MGB has rolled out other AI tools, including one that can transcribe a doctor’s in-person conversations with patients. Rao isn’t using that tool. She worries that patient information could be leaked and medical privacy violated, and she doesn’t want her conversations with patients to be used to help develop the next generation of AI medical tools.

“What if they’re just using my interactions with patients to train their AI and boot me out of my job?” she said.

That’s not the goal, said , a primary care physician who manages the program for MGB. All decisions about patient care are still made by real doctors, she said.

“We are not replacing our in-person primary care,” she said. “It’s still important, and the majority of patients still have in-person primary care.”

But the fear among some primary care doctors at MGB is that Care Connect will gradually erode access to in-person primary care visits. Of the $400 million pledged by MGB for primary care, they want less spent on AI and more used to attract and increase pay for primary care staffers.

, an MGB internist who is also involved in the unionizing effort, said the use of Care Connect can only fill a gap. “That sounds like a band-aid for a broken system to me,” he said.

Expanding AI Tools

As of mid-December, the Care Connect doctors were each seeing 40 to 50 patients a day. By February, the MGB network plans to make Care Connect available to all Massachusetts and New Hampshire residents who have health insurance, and to hire more doctors to staff the program as needed. 

Patients can use the program like an urgent care service, Ireland said. They can also decide to make one of the remote doctors their permanent primary care provider.

“Some patients want in-person care,” Ireland said. “But I do believe there’s a subset of patients who will appreciate the 24-hour, seven-day-a-week model and choose to be a part of this.”

Care Connect isn’t for patients who need emergency care or a physical exam, she said. And patients who need tests or imaging are referred to the network’s clinics or labs.

But the remote doctors can manage some of the same routine issues that all primary care doctors do, Ireland said, including moderate respiratory infections, allergies, and chronic conditions such as diabetes, high cholesterol, and depression. 

says only immediate, not ongoing, health problems should be on that list. Lin is chief of primary care at the Stanford University School of Medicine and founded Stanford’s Healthcare AI Applied Research Team.

“In its current state, the safest use of this tool is for more urgent care issues,” Lin said. “Your upper respiratory tract infections. Your urinary tract infections. Your musculoskeletal injuries. Your rashes.”

For patients with multiple chronic conditions such as high blood pressure and diabetes — or for patients with especially serious conditions like heart disease or cancer — Lin said nothing beats a human who sees you regularly.

Still, Lin agrees that the chat summary generated after an AI encounter can help a physician be more efficient. For patients, Lin understands the practical appeal of a virtual option.

“I would rather these patients get care, if that care can be safe,” he said, “than not get care at all.”

The company that developed the AI platform for Care Connect, , contends the program is delivering safe, effective care to patients with complex, chronic ailments — many of whom have no other option besides a hospital emergency room.

“America’s got a big problem with health care, issues with cost, quality, and access,” said , the company’s CEO. “To solve it, you need to start with primary care, and you have to use technology and AI.”

In addition to Mass General Brigham, K Health partners with five other health networks, including the highly ranked and Los Angeles-based .

In a funded by K Health, Cedars-Sinai researchers compared several hundred diagnosis and treatment recommendations made by AI with those made by physicians.

The researchers found the AI to be slightly better at identifying “critical red flags” and recommending care based on clinical guidelines, though the physicians were better at adjusting their treatment recommendations as they spoke more with the patient.

This article is from a partnership that includes , , and Ñî¹óåú´«Ã½Ò•îl Health News.

This <a target="_blank" href="/news/ai-primary-care-doctors-shortages-massachusetts-mass-general-brigham/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">KFF Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">